State of Israel: Built on lies, lying, fm the ground up, beginning w. the name, "Israel"--really state of Jews

Apollonian

Guest Columnist

White House officials know Israel is an apartheid state, but they can’t say so​

Link: https://mondoweiss.net/2023/04/whit...l-is-an-apartheid-state-but-they-cant-say-so/

Beltway scholar Mark Lynch says even the White House understands Israel practices apartheid, even if it won't say so publicly, because Palestinian intellectuals have led the way in shifting the foreign policy establishment.

BY PHILIP WEISS APRIL 26, 2023 36

Four editors of a new book about the One State Reality in Israel/Palestine-- who characterize it as apartheid -- speak at an April 11 panel at George Washington University. From left to right, Shibley Telhami, Marc Lynch, Nathan Brown, and Michael Barnett. Screenshot from GWU video.
FOUR EDITORS OF A NEW BOOK ABOUT THE ONE STATE REALITY IN ISRAEL/PALESTINE– WHO CHARACTERIZE IT AS “APARTHEID” — SPEAK AT AN APRIL 11 PANEL AT GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY. FROM LEFT TO RIGHT, SHIBLEY TELHAMI, MARC LYNCH, NATHAN BROWN, AND MICHAEL BARNETT. SCREENSHOT FROM GWU VIDEO.
Even in the White House officials know that Israel practices apartheid, but they can’t say so publicly. No, they have to cling to the two-state paradigm, says a Beltway scholar, Marc Lynch, who co-authored a breakthrough report in Foreign Affairs using the word apartheid to describe Israeli rule.
Lynch said that report was heavily influenced by Palestinian experts, who helped break a Washington “taboo” on saying apartheid. He cited Yousef Munayyer, Tareq Baconi, and Noura Erakat as intellectual leaders.
For many years Palestinians have told us that Israel imposes apartheid. In time, public figures such as Jimmy Carter and Betty McCollum and Rashida Tlaib and Jim Klutznick (of Americans for Peace Now) echoed that view. Then two years ago a number of human rights groups, notably Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, joined the chorus with reports labeling Israeli rule “apartheid.” They were followed by the Carnegie Endowment and the young Jewish group IfNotNow, and so on.

This month two important shoes dropped. Foreign Affairs published its paper on the “One State Reality” by Lynch and three other mainstream figures using the word apartheid. And now a respected poll reveals that 44 percent of Democrats say that Israel is “a state with segregation similar to apartheid” (in keeping with Gallup’s poll of last month showing way more Democrats are sympathetic to Palestinians than Israel).
The Foreign Affairs authors charted the emerging awareness of apartheid in a D.C. panel earlier this month, launching the book of essays they have co-edited.
Lynch said the “cascade” of experts’ reports on apartheid has reached policymakers, even in the White House:
There’s much less of disconnect than you might think. The deputy assistant secretary of state for Israel Palestinian affairs [Hady Amr] was here at the Elliott School last week and he knows all of these things, and I would say that everybody in the White House knows all these things, they all know these things, but they don’t act on them for various other reasons, because of political considerations, because of structural constraints and that sort of thing. I don’t think this is a knowledge issue. People [who spend their lives working on policy] are not unaware of the one state reality. It’s more the sense of paralysis and impossibility of finding anything else. Hence clinging to the idea of a two state solution in order to avoid having to come up with something different. That’s why I think there’ s more stasis in the policy debate than there is in the academic and civil society debate right now.
Co-author Shibley Telhami, a scholar who has worked as a policymaker, said that the death of the two-state solution is now an accepted fact in official circles, but officials can’t say as much.
I know both worlds, and the policymakers are not as detached as we assume they are. I know a number of high level people in government who have said, that it’s too late for two states, yet they’re advocating two states publicly. They’re not going to take that on, they’re not going to change the paradigm, it’s too costly, it’s not a high priority issue, no one is going to lead from within.
Just as the end of the peace process was a factor in Human Rights Watch declaring Israel an apartheid state in 2021, so it motivated these authors, co-editor Michael Barnett said:
We thought the peace process died certainly in the early 2000s. If the peace process does not exist, it leaves you with very few options in terms of what to think about what Israel/Palestine is… It really is based on control.
When the four published their piece in Foreign Affairs, Lynch said he expected pushback, but there hasn’t been much. Because the acceptance of apartheid has been “sudden and rapid”:
It’s been quite interesting to see the response… We all anticipated quite a bit of fireworks. In fact that has not happened, because everyone now pretty much agrees with us, which was certainly not the case five years ago. And that to me is one of the most interesting puzzles, is, How can you have intellectual and policy stagnation for decades and decades, followed by a very sudden and rapid intellectual and discursive change.
Lynch pointed to the inclusion of Palestinians as a factor in that change. He cited Munayyer’s article in Foreign Affairs in 2019, titled “There Will be a One State Solution” and said until that piece, the foreign policy establishment of the United States regarded the idea of one state as “toxic.” Today the “One State Reality” book is ahead of the curve of Washington and mainstream academia, Lynch said, but “we were well behind the curve of Palestinian intellectuals.”

Michael Barnett described the “difficult” and “incredible intellectual and emotional journey” of making the book as a Jewish person with deep involvement in the Israel issue. But he said he sought to be analytical, not emotional, in describing the reality. Israel has never had clear borders, and its occupation is far from temporary after 56 years.
“The language of occupation seemed awkward and probably a misnomer. At least back in the post World War Two period when international legal authorities began to draft doctrines of occupation, they never had in mind something like this… Occupation was supposed to be temporary, but here is something quite permanent or so it seems.”
Barnett said that understanding led to the idea that Israel exercises “coercive control” over subjects in ways that today’s world does not accept:
“The land that we’re talking about today, which Israel claims control over– that’s not legally recognized by any other state, as we speak…. We are now talking about a state where there are different levels of membership. Full members are Jewish Israelis.
But it’s simple, and Israel is doubling down:
“To simplify things, there are just two classes of people in this new state. There are Jewish Israelis, and then there’s everybody else. And if you have any doubt about it, look at the Basic Law from a few years ago. And look at the slew of bills that are coming down the pike in the Knesset. It makes it clear that there are two classes of resident.”
Israel has ceased to be a liberal democracy, it’s about “Jewish supremacy,” there’s no way around it. Barnett said:
For the longest time Israel was understood as a liberal democracy. And it had shared values with the west on those grounds. But Israel… has ceased to be a liberal democracy… Israel is a state that is built for, by and about Israeli Jews, that’s what it’s about. It’s about Jewish supremacy. That’s a hard word to actually evoke. But I don’t think there’s any way around it. This was a state that was intended to be for Jews and if it’s going to be a Jewish state then there are going to be those who are not not full members, and it also means to preserve the Jewish state means to preserve systematic discrimination against those who are non-Jews.
The apartheid frame:
Where does it leave us? The one [idea] that’s clearly being evoked more and more, is apartheid. It may not be an exact analogy, but it’s pretty close. And so if in fact it’s an apartheid state, then one has to question… where is it then in relationship to other kinds of states [and it] imposes a slew of difficult and complicated challenges, certainly for the U.S. It was one thing to say we have shared values with a liberal democracy. It’s very difficult to make that same statement once you cast the frame as apartheid.
Nathan Brown says everyone knows it now:
This isn’t news. There are political actors in the region who have oriented themselves around this [one-state] reality increasingly over the last decade… Now everybody’s noticing, that’s what is new.
Lynch said that naming apartheid says to some that it cannot possibly survive. He disagrees:
I see nothing in history to suggest that’s true. Injustice can survive a tremendously long time. Once the initial impact of the apartheid level sinks in, politics moves on, nothing necessarily changes… People can live with an extraordinary amount of hypocrisy and evil in their lives, so long as it does not inconvenience them. and the power in the world today is not one which is leading toward greater liberalism or greater justice…by naming it.. it might simply be put on like a fine dinner jacket, and become the new reality, and that would be quite tragic.
Barnett disagreed. He said the discourse will force change. Israel is already in freefall due to elites seeking to emigrate:
“You can’t go on as normal once you say that it’s an apartheid state. I think we learned that in South Africa. As a consequence, things are gong to change globally… This creates economic instability, as we see in Israel. I have so many Israeli friends who are now applying for a passport elsewhere, who now want an exit option… What happens when those providing the gold decide to leave?
Barnett described apartheid as a “taboo” term that is no longer taboo:
Apartheid has been such a taboo language to talk about Israel that people get harrassed for using it. But at the end of the day, apartheid is a legal language, apartheid is about international law, and it is about systematic discrimination by one group of another group based on any number of considerations, but largely around… race.
The racism of Israel that Palestinians have long identified is now dawning on others. Barnett described his own awakening to the idea of “Jewish supremacy”:
For those who have supported Israel– let’s just recognize up front it was created in 1948 as a state of the Jews…. We know that since 1948 that Arab Israelis now Palestinian Israelis were systematically discriminated against. That I think is undisputable. Then when you widen that to include the so called territories… That discrimination is simply about Jews against others. And as we say today, and [under] this current Knesset it will become further institutionalized, in that Jews have more rights than non Jews, and it’s designed to maintain Jewish power. I don’t think that’s controversial. It may be difficult to hear in those terms, but it is about Jewish supremacy. You can’t call it a liberal democracy… But acknowledge, that whatever you call it it has to include practices of discrimination, by Jews against non-Jews. That’s undebatable.
The Jewish community is splintering because of this awareness. Barnett said that a “great number of Jewish Americans” are becoming indifferent to Israel, to the point they “actually don’t want anything to do with it anymore.”
Lastly, but very importantly: Barnett said as we move into the one-state reality, Americans need to rethink the nature of Palestinian violence. He described attacks on civilians as terrorism but said that the decolonization movement showed that violence directed against conscripted forces and not against civilians is legitimate. Washington has a long way to go on that one.
 

Nakba: Thousands march in London to mark Palestinian mass displacement​

Link: https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/nakba-thousands-march-london-mark-palestine-displacement

Participants say new generation of Palestinians will not forget forced expulsion by Zionists in 1948 and continuing Israeli crimes
nakba-london-2023-aa.jpg

Thousands of protesters marched through the streets of London to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the Nakba on 13 May 2023 (Anadolu Agency)

By MEE staff
Published date: 14 May 2023 12:53 BST | Last update: 1 day 17 hours ago
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Link: https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/nakba-thousands-march-london-mark-palestine-displacement
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Thousands of people marched in London on Saturday commemorating the 75th anniversary of the Nakba, or catastrophe, which refers to the mass forced expulsion of Palestinians by Zionist militias to make way for the creation of Israel in 1948.
The demonstration, titled "Nakba 75 – End Apartheid, End the Occupation", gathered in the heart of London outside the BBC headquarters before participants made their way to Downing Street, where the office of the British prime minister is located.
"The Nakba was not just a singular event, today we are still living the effect of the Nakba," Leanne Mohammed, a British Palestinian activist attending the rally, told Middle East Eye.
"Seventy-five years ago my family was expelled from their home in Haifa, Palestine, by Zionist militias. They ended up as refugees in Lebanon. Three-quarters of a century later they are still living in that same refugee camp," she said.

The London event was organised by the Palestinian Forum in Britain, Friends of Al-Aqsa, the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (PSC) and the Muslim Association of Britain.
"We mark the Nakba not just as a historical event but as a continuing process of oppression enacted over the past 75 years through ongoing colonisation of land, enforcement of apartheid and military occupation," said the PSC on its website.
The march was attended by the former leader of the Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn, who has been a lifelong campaigner against the Israel occupation of Palestine.
"Today we marched through London to mark the 75th anniversary of the Nakba and speak out against the ongoing dispossession of the Palestinian people. End the occupation. Free Palestine," said Corbyn in a message on Twitter.

Between 1947 and 1949, Zionist forces seized more than 78 percent of historic Palestine and expelled at least 750,000 Palestinians from their lands and homes.
Many of those joining the rally were young Palestinians who spoke of the need to continue to remember the Nakba.
"They say 'the old will die, the young will forget', and for my generation of Palestinians we have proven that no one has forgotten and, if anything, our existence is our resistance," one demonstrator told MEE.
More than 80 percent of the Palestinian population was expelled from their homeland in 1948 after Zionist forces killed at least 13,000 people and destroyed over 500 villages and towns.
Nineteen years later, Israel occupied the remaining 22 percent of historic Palestinian not captured in 1948, which remains under Israeli military rule in what is known as the longest occupation in modern history.
 

Nakba: Britain and the secret 1948 Palestine memos​

Link: https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/nakba-palestine-britain-secret-memos-knew-what-happen

Classified cables found by MEE reveal that the UK knew of mass killings and displacement of Palestinians in May 1948, but downplayed them and refused to intervene
A British soldier holding a British-made Bren machine gun in Jerusalem on 1 May 1948, a few days before the British Mandate in Palestine ended (AFP)

A British soldier holding a British-made Bren machine gun in Jerusalem on 1 May 1948, a fortnight before the British Mandate in Palestine ended (AFP)

By Rayhan Uddin in
London
Published date: 15 May 2023 15:00 BST | Last update: 1 day 15 hours ago
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It’s late April 1948, in Haifa, northern Palestine.
After more than 25 years, British officers are leaving their "mandate" over the territory and have set a withdrawal date: 15 May.
The exit is not going smoothly. Ethnic cleansing and violent atrocities are taking place across areas Britain is about to vacate.
Zionist armed groups, allowed to flourish in Palestine by the British over three decades and subsequently trained and armed by the colonial power, are sweeping across Palestinian towns and villages, forcibly displacing residents from house to house.
Palestinians put up some resistance, helped by nominal forces from neighbouring countries, but are vastly outnumbered and under-equipped. Britain states that it is remaining neutral.

Cyril Marriott, consul-general in Haifa, is one of the last British officials to leave the embattled city.
He wonders, in a 21 April diplomatic cable sent to London and seen by Middle East Eye, whether Britain's reputation will be damaged by “abandoning the pretence of keeping law and order before the expiry of the Mandate”.
“Any loss of prestige we may suffer is insignificant compared with the strong feeling that will be aroused in the United Kingdom if heavy British casualties are caused by our armed intervention between Jews and Arabs,” he writes.
Months before Marriott's cable, in November, the United Nations passed a resolution to split Mandatory Palestine into Jewish and Arab states - a policy Palestinian Arabs rejected.
Britain, which by then was coming under violent attack from the Zionist groups it had once propped up, declared it would leave by midnight on 14 May.
Haifa 1948

Jewish fighters in Haifa, 1948 (Wikimedia)

But 15 May 1948 would not just be remembered as the day that Britain left Palestine.
It was also the day that the State of Israel was declared, and the date generations of Palestinians continue to mark as the Nakba - or Catastrophe - 75 years later.
At least 13,000 Palestinians were killed and hundreds of villages were destroyed. In the end, 750,000 people were forcibly displaced from their homes.
More than 6,000 Israeli Jews, including 4,000 soldiers and 2,000 civilians, were killed.
Previously classified diplomatic cables, seen by Middle East Eye at the National Archives in London, show that Britain was well aware of mass killings and displacement, in Haifa and beyond, during the final days of its Mandate.
But London would play down the scale of the events, refuse to intervene or allow others to do so, and would eventually label Palestinians and their allies as masters of their own downfall.

Regional leaders warn of massacre​

By the final days of April, leaders in Egypt and Syria were raising the alarm about the spiralling situation across their borders.
Azzam Pasha, an Egyptian diplomat and the Arab League’s first secretary-general, told British envoy Ronald Campbell in Cairo that Palestinians were being massacred in Haifa, Tiberias and Deir Yassin.
“This massacre was, [Pasha] was convinced, part of a Jewish military plan designed to terrorise the Arab population inside the Jewish state so that by May 15th they would be relieved of having to deal with any fifth column,” Campbell recounted to London on 22 April.
Pasha told journalists that same day, as transcribed in a British foreign office memo: “They have committed at Haifa acts as reprehensible as at Tiberias [and Deir Yassin] attacking women, children and old people. So far the British forces have displayed their inability to protect defenceless persons.”
On 9 April, in what became known as the Deir Yassin massacre, Zionist groups went house to house, killing over 100 Palestinians in the small village near Jerusalem, despite having agreed to an earlier truce.
Nine days later, Tiberias fell to Zionist militias too, where 6,000 Palestinians were forcibly expelled.
Then on 21 April, Jewish paramilitary organisations ethnically cleansed Haifa, ejecting tens of thousands of Palestinians.
Phillip Broadmead, British envoy in Damascus, wrote to the foreign office on 23 April following a meeting with Syrian President Shukri al-Quwatli, who was disturbed by events in Haifa.
Quwatli complained to Broadmead that a local British commander in Haifa had refused “to take measures to stop the killing of Arab women and children”, unless Palestinians delivered all their arms to Zionist groups, as per a truce proposal rejected by the Arabs.
nakba military campaigns graphic

Damascus lamented that Britain had promised to maintain law and order by 15 May, but “the events at Deir Yassin and Haifa made it clear this was no longer the case”.
In Cairo, Pasha told Campbell that there was “a fully mobilised Jewish force in the country whose activities were out of control”, but no counter-balancing Palestinian force.
According to British figures at the time, there were around 15,000 troops from Iraq, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon and Jordan, in addition to 5,000 volunteers from the Arab Liberation Army. They were comfortably outnumbered by over 70,000 Jewish troops.
Cairo pleaded with Britain to turn a “blind eye” and allow volunteer Arab forces to enter Palestine before the Mandate expired to provide that "counter balance" to the mass killings and ethnic cleansing. London refused.
Pasha told Campbell that if the British continued this stance until 15 May, “the result would be that Jewish forces would by that date have occupied all the strategic positions they required and the Arabs would find themselves at a great disadvantage”.
He was right. Arab armies did enter Palestine to push back Israeli military advances after the expiry of the Mandate, but by then most of the key areas of what is now modern-day Israel had been depopulated and taken over by Zionist groups.

'Reports have been exaggerated'​

Despite the warnings, British officials significantly downplayed the scale of what was happening, including in Haifa.
On 23 April, facing pressure from Arab governments, the foreign office wrote to its envoys in Jordan, Lebanon, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Iraq.
“You should inform [the] Government to which you are accredited accordingly, and point out that previous reports have clearly been exaggerated,” it said. “In particular press stories of evacuation of 23,000 Arabs [in Haifa] are a considerable exaggeration.”
Five days later, junior foreign minister Christopher Mayhew would take to the floor in parliament and state: “Early reports of widespread massacre in the town [of Haifa] are untrue and were merely rumours caused by panic.”
Eventually, a few days later, British officials admitted in classified memos that the vast majority of Palestinian inhabitants had indeed left Haifa. The officials were nevertheless keen to promote the idea that those residents would return immediately.
“There are 6,000 Arabs in Haifa and many more are returning. Others wishing to return may be assured that under present conditions their security is guaranteed and that there is every reason to think that after 15th May they will be safe there,” said Alan Cunningham, then British High Commissioner in Palestine.
“We are giving publicity to the fact that many are returning in the hope that this will spread confidence.”
They did not return. The Palestinian population of Haifa was reduced from 70,000 to around 6,000 in a matter of days.
There are at least 250,000 registered refugees from Haifa living around the world, according to figures from 2008.
British officials parrotted the claim, which proved wholly untrue, that Jewish leaders would not allow for the mass evacuation of Palestinians due to the adverse impact it would have on the local economy.

The Nakba: All you need to know explained in five maps and charts
Read More »
“If the Jews press their terms too harshly the Arabs would be likely to evacuate Haifa, a course not welcome to the Jews as the life of the town would be interrupted,” a 23 April memo sent from Palestine to London stated.
“It is probable therefore that the Jews will temper their terms to prevent total evacuation.”
Britain appeared to be presenting a narrative contrary to the reality on the ground.
It asked its various envoys in the Middle East to remind Arab governments that British troops had engaged Jewish mortars, referring to military action taken against Zionist fighters in Jaffa.
British troops briefly halted Operation Hametz, an ultimately successful attempt to blockade Palestinian towns around Jaffa.
It was the first direct battle between British forces and Irgun, the militant right-wing Zionist organisation that had bombed the British administrative headquarters at the King David Hotel in Jerusalem two years earlier.
Following that confrontation, British officials claimed several times that “the morale of the Jews had considerably deteriorated, as Arab morale had risen”.

Palestinian existence will 'become precarious'​

Any such high morale was short-lived. Zionist advances on Jaffa were only halted temporarily.
Britain knew, and admitted in private, that Palestinians stood no chance of remaining in the port city that would become part of Israel's Tel Aviv.
In a top-secret telegram memo from late April, the commanders-in-chief of the Middle East Land Forces (MELF) predicted what would happen once its forces left the city.
'Arab military forces in Palestine are now suffering the inevitable consequences of incompetent leadership'
- Alan Cunningham, British envoy
“The Jewish community is firmly and securely established and once our own security forces withdraw there will be little question of the Arabs seriously threatening Jewish life or property,” they told the defence ministry back in London.
“Indeed, the existence of Arabs will become precarious.”
That assessment was correct. Jaffa was completely obliterated, with around 96 percent of Arab villages there destroyed by May 1948. Its entire population of over 50,000 Palestinian inhabitants were expelled, according to Ilan Pappe's The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine.
There are now over 230,000 refugees from Jaffa living across the globe.
In total, those expelled from Palestine in 1948 and their descendants number 5.8 million refugees, mostly living in neighbouring countries.
They have never been allowed to return, making it the longest unresolved refugee crisis in modern history.
British commanders in Palestine knew that Jewish groups would take control, not just of Jaffa, but in towns and cities across Palestine.
“Between now and the surrender of the Mandate[,] clashes are likely to intensify in numbers, scope and duration. In these clashes the Jews are likely to hold their own,” the Land Forces central command said.
“Ultimate success is likely to be with the Jews with their far greater material resources and intense unity of purpose.”
That superiority did not occur in a vacuum: during the Arab Revolt of the late 1930s, British forces weakened Palestinian society, including gutting its paramilitary forces.
Palestinian historian Rashid Khalidi argues in The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948, that Palestine was not lost in the 1940s, but the decade prior, by the British crushing of its civil and military institutions.

Britain blames Arab 'ineptitude'​

In the final days of the Mandate, in several different memos across a number of days, Britain's ambassador claimed that Palestinians and their allies only had themselves to blame.
“Arab military forces in Palestine are now suffering the inevitable consequences of incompetent leadership and lack of discipline and morale,” said Cunningham.
“In their hearts the Arabs realise that their much vaunted Liberation Army is poorly equipped and badly led; they feel that their monetary subscriptions have been squandered and they themselves misled.
“They must pin blame on someone and who more deserving than the British!” he added sarcastically.
British military leaders also took aim at other Arab governments in the region, blaming them for provoking Zionist miltias.
“Foreign Arab irregular forces, having stirred up a hornets’ nest have now been prudently withdrawn, leaving unfortunate Palestine Arabs to be stung,” said Cunningham.
israel flag raised 1948

A picture released on 8 June 1948 shows an officer raising Israel's flag for the first time since its proclamation as a state a month earlier (AFP)

“The Jews for their part can hardly be blamed if in the face of past Arab irregular action and of continued threats of interference by Arab regular forces, they take time by the forelock and consolidate their position while they can.”
The military central command agreed with Cunningham's appraisal of Arab forces, hitting out at their "cowardly behaviour" and "refusal to follow our advice to restrain themselves".
On 15 May, Marriott, the consular-general in Haifa, was one of the few Brits to remain in the territory, after 100,000 officers had left in the days and weeks prior.
He gives a mistakenly optimistic final assessment.
“Jews control the town but their armed forces are little in evidence. They obviously want the Arab labour force to return and are doing their best to instil confidence,” Marriott said.
“Life in town is almost normal even last night[,] except of course for the absence of Arabs. I see no reason why Palestine Arab residents of Haifa and neighbourhood should not return.”
Seventy-five years later, those residents of Haifa and their descendants are still waiting for that return.
Middle East Eye delivers independent and unrivalled coverage and analysis of the Middle East, North Africa and beyond. To learn more about republishing this content and the associated fees, please fill out this form. More about MEE can be found here.

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Leading liberal Zionist voices call for ending U.S. aid to Israel​

A New York Times Op-Ed featuring liberal Zionist leaders calls to end military aid to Israel as the country passes a law gutting its judiciary. This is the moment people working to end U.S. aid to Israel have been waiting for.

BY MITCHELL PLITNICK JULY 24, 2023

Link: https://mondoweiss.net/2023/07/lead...aid-to-israel/?ml_recipient=94672580334584956

Daniel Kurtzer (left), Aaron David Miller (center), and Martin Indyk (right).
DANIEL KURTZER (LEFT), AARON DAVID MILLER (CENTER), AND MARTIN INDYK (RIGHT).

The damage Israel is causing to its support base in the United States is becoming more apparent. A very bright warning flare went up this weekend, appearing once again in the New York Times. This time, it was columnist Nicholas Kristof who took a much bolder and far less speculative step than his colleague, Tom Friedman did last week by suggesting that the very heart of AIPAC’s mission—annual military aid to Israel—should be phased out.
Friedman, you might recall, floated the idea that a “reassessment” of the United States’ relationship with Israel might be on the horizon, if not already starting. As I noted, that was meant as a warning to Israel, not a reflection of any actual steps by Joe Biden’s White House to launch a policy process of reassessment. Indeed, as subsequent events confirmed, and as was indicated by the fact that Friedman cited no sources, even anonymous ones, this was the columnist trying to use his column to get Israel to back off because political winds are shifting. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did not heed the warning, instead moving forward uncompromisingly on his domestic agenda and misleading the media about his conversation with Biden. Needless to say, that didn’t sit well in Washington.

A liberal Zionist argument for ending military aid to Israel

Kristof launched his next volley on Saturday, the Sabbath. That was likely not a coincidence, as it meant that many religious Jews in the U.S. would not see it for a while and Israel would be slower to respond than usual, much like when the U.S. government releases controversial statements late on Friday afternoon.

Kristof’s column strikes at the very heart of the lobbying might of pro-Israel forces, and uses noted liberal Zionists to do it. Former Ambassadors to Israel Dan Kurtzer and Martin Indyk, former diplomat Aaron David Miller, and J Street President Jeremy Ben-Ami all chime in on why they think it would be a good idea to stop sending billions of dollars in military aid to Israel every year.
Kristof’s column strikes at the very heart of the lobbying might of pro-Israel forces, and uses noted liberal Zionists to do it.
These voices, all appearing in the New York Times under the byline of one of the United States’ most prominent columnists calling for an end to U.S. military aid to Israel is no small thing, although it’s tempered a bit. Kristof is quick to note, “…the reason to have this conversation is that American aid to another rich country squanders scarce resources and creates an unhealthy relationship damaging to both sides.” In other words, it’s not that we don’t still love you, Israel, it’s just that we think you’ve grown up and don’t need the money anymore.
But that is absurd on its face. There’s nothing about this moment that is any different for Israel economically than it’s been for at least the past thirty years. Israel’s economy has been capable of paying for its own military for a very long time.
Kristof also claims that the money sent to Israel each year could instead be used to aid countries in much more dire need. That’s true, but doing so would hardly necessitate cutting aid to Israel. The annual $3.8 billion that Israel gets is a drop in the ocean of annual U.S. spending, which totaled $6 trillion in 2022, and that was a significant downgrade from the $7.25 trillion spent in 2021. According to the Council on Foreign Relations, the U.S. ranked 22nd out of 24 developed countries in the amount of aid it gives as a percentage of GDP. So we can, and should, be giving more without cutting anything.
Digging deeper into Kristof’s piece, we see the real reasons behind his thinking. Dan Kurtzer, ambassador to Israel during George W. Bush’s first term, told Kristof, “Aid provides the U.S. with no leverage or influence over Israeli decisions to use force; because we sit by quietly while Israel pursues policies we oppose, we are seen as ‘enablers’ of Israel’s occupation.”
How seriously we oppose those policies is a matter of debate, but Kurtzer is not alone in his concern over how aid to Israel makes the U.S. look to people around the world. Although by now, it is a mundane point, and taken as normal, American officials have voiced such concerns in the past. Still, the relationship has endured for all these decades, and even now, when Israel’s public image in the United States is at a historic low, criticism directed at it is perilous, as Pramila Jayapal saw just last week.
Yet the voices of people like Kurtzer and Martin Indyk, ambassador to Israel under Bill Clinton, might have been mildly critical of Israel in the past, but they had always stopped well short of calling for even slowing U.S. military aid. Obviously, the current far-right government of Benjamin Netanyahu has managed to irritate Israel’s more liberal supporters in Washington in a way Israel has never done before.

Netanyahu escalates the insults

The proposed judicial reform is the key reason, of course. Netanyahu’s attempt to render Israel’s judicial system unable to do anything but obey the Knesset’s every word threatens all the propaganda about “democracy” and “shared values” that are the only way Democrats have to justify their lockstep support of Israel regardless of its many crimes. But it is more than that.
Netanyahu has made a mockery of the United States as its patron. While the Biden administration has fallen over itself to keep the cash flowing to Israel; to shield Israel at the United Nations and other international fora; and to promote the truly evil myths that anti-Zionism and BDS are nothing more than forms of antisemitism, Israel has responded by making commitments to Washington it never intended to keep, often abrogating them as soon as the meetings where they were made were over. Netanyahu also misled the media about the phone call the two had last week. That didn’t sit well with Biden at all.
All of this has led these key figures in the liberal Zionist, Washington community to beat the drums on the most sacred of cows on Capitol Hill — U.S. aid to Israel. Yet even there, the calls are tempered with a sense that they don’t believe it to be possible.
Aaron David Miller, who coined the phrase “Israel’s lawyer” in reference to former U.S. “Peace envoy” Dennis Ross, told Kristof, “Under the right conditions and in a galaxy far, far away, with U.S.-Israeli relations on even if not better keel, there would be advantages to both to see military aid phased out over time.” Clearly, he does not believe it to be possible, even if cutting off the aid to Israel might be desirable.
Jeremy Ben-Ami of J Street offered a similar sentiment. “There’s a serious conversation that should be had ahead of this next memorandum of understanding about how best to use $40 billion in U.S. tax dollars. Yet instead of a serious national security discussion, you’re likely to get a toxic mix of partisan brawling and political pandering.”
Ben-Ami is certainly correct when it comes to Congress. The shameful display of Israeli President Isaac Herzog addressing a joint session of Congress right after the debacle of Democrats joining Republicans to browbeat Rep. Pramila Jayapal for daring to point out that Israel, which deprives millions of Palestinians of freedom, rights, property, and often their very lives for no reason other than their ethnicity, is a racist state, shows that Congress, with a few notable exceptions, remains unwilling to challenge Israel and its American supporters.
Given the tidal shift the current Israeli government is causing, that can change, but it would require two things. One is time, as that sort of entrenched support doesn’t turn around overnight. The second is leadership, and that must come from the White House. Joe Biden is both personally and politically disinclined to provide that leadership. He’d much rather grit his teeth and bear the humiliations, as he has in the past. But Netanyahu is pushing it so hard he may not leave Biden much choice.
Even as Republicans absurdly blast Biden as “antisemitic” for trying to convince Israel to stop record-setting settlement expansion and expanding its brutal authoritarianism from Palestinians to its own Jewish citizens, they will have a much stronger case in describing him as weak if he continues to allow Netanyahu to spit in his face with only a metaphorical “thank you, sir, may I have another?” in response. They won’t say it directly as that might imply that they think Biden should not do as Netanyahu says. But they will capitalize on Biden’s kowtowing to Netanyahu’s extremism in roundabout ways.
In any case, Biden is not there yet. In a recent speech to the Atlantic Council, his Secretary of State Antony Blinken told the audience that “I think we’ve seen Israeli democracy in all of its vibrancy. It’s telling a remarkable story right now. That’s playing out, and I’m confident the system will be able to deal effectively with it.” As I asked last week, how the mere existence of protests, which are seen frequently in authoritarian states, demonstrates the existence of a “vibrant democracy” is, at best, unclear.
But Blinken is setting up the narrative the Biden administration wants to use if Netanyahu’s judicial reform fails. They will double down on Israel’s democracy, shout to the heavens about the shared values that were demonstrated, and how the bond between us is more “unbreakable” than ever.

Opening the door to ending military aid to Israel

That might be starting even now. Just hours after I wrote these words on Monday, the Knesset voted on the first major bill in the overhaul process. It passed, and now the Israeli judiciary’s power to check any excesses of the government has been erased. In an effort to stop this, President Herzog tried to broker a compromise with the considerable added leverage of the threat of some 10,000 military reservists refusing duty—an unprecedented threat in Israeli history—along with a planned strike called by a forum of some 150 Israeli businesses. These factors were also bolstered by another public statement from Biden calling for Netanyahu to stop the bill from moving forward.
But still, the bill passed. Now, it must be used by advocates for Palestine in Washington to press forward with calls for the end of aid to Israel.
The current Memorandum of Understanding (MOU), which laid down the terms for ten years of aid to Israel, runs through September 2028. The negotiations for the next one will likely start to gather steam in late 2025. Netanyahu has given advocates in the U.S. an opening to build political momentum against a new MOU, and that could have the effect of either diminishing it, placing conditions on it, or even stopping it altogether. The time to start building that momentum is now, taking advantage of the opening this moment provides.
That wall has finally begun to crack. This is the moment people who want to see that aid stopped have been waiting for.
Even if future parts of the judicial reform doesn’t pass, the topic has been broached, and that opening must be exploited. For decades, AIPAC has succeeded in its founding goal, its prime directive: to sustain and maximize aid to Israel. It built an impenetrable wall around that aid.
That wall has finally begun to crack. This is the moment people who want to see that aid stopped have been waiting for. Now is the time to go after U.S. aid to Israel, but not for the reasons Kristof proposes. That aid should stop for one reason above all others: because it is used to fund the oppression of the Palestinians, whether one wants to term that occupation or apartheid. It’s the argument that can’t be countered, and its time has finally come to Washington.
 
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